Sharon’s Strategic Legacy for Israel: Competing Perspectives (JCPA) Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) Jerusalem Issue Brief Vol. 5, No. 15 Dan Diker 01/12/06)
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Some Israeli opinion-makers, seeking to define Sharon’s
political legacy, are determined to transform him into a political
dove due to his unilateral disengagement plan that pulled Israel out
of Gaza. They claim that the “new” Sharon was willing to lead Israel
in another major pullback – this time from at least 90 percent of
the West Bank. This interpretation assumed the West Bank security
fence would constitute Israel’s eastern border.
However, a careful examination of Sharon’s major speeches and
interviews since he first proposed disengagement suggests the very
opposite. Indeed, on January 6, 2006, Israel Channel 2 television’s
chief diplomatic correspondent, Udi Segal, disclosed that Sharon
told him privately that it was his policy to hold onto eight
settlement blocs in the West Bank and not only the three blocs
usually mentioned – Ariel, Maale Adumim, and Gush Etzion. Segal
added that Sharon did not want to evacuate the Jordan Valley.
Explaining to the Knesset the significance of the U.S. Letter of
Assurances he received from President Bush on April 14, 2004, Sharon
said: “There is American acknowledgment that in any final status
agreement there will be no Israeli withdrawal to the 1967
lines....This acknowledgment appears in two ways: understanding the
facts determined by the large Israeli settlement blocs such as
making it impossible to return to the 1967 lines, and implementation
of the concept of ‘defensible borders.’”
Thus, Sharon saw the disengagement plan as a mechanism for
trading land with a dense Palestinian population, like the Gaza
Strip, in exchange for land that was critical for Israel’s future
security: “I am firmly convinced and truly believe that this
disengagement will strengthen Israel’s hold over territory which is
essential to our existence.”
In private conversations with close friends, Sharon has repeated
the traditional “defensible borders” position, and has reiterated in
various interviews and public statements since the Gaza
disengagement that Israel would retain close to half of the West
Bank, as opposed to the single digit percentages that his advisors
appear to be advancing.
Sharon the Dove?
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s political legacy is quickly
becoming a matter of controversy. Some Israeli opinion-makers are
determined to paint Sharon as a political dove. They claim that
Sharon was willing to lead Israel in another major pullback in the
West Bank if the political opportunity arose.
Sharon political strategist Kalman Gayer told Newsweek on December
5, 2006, that Sharon would accept a Palestinian state in 90 percent
of the West Bank as well as a compromise on Jerusalem. Sharon
personally denied the Newsweek report, especially the statement that
he would divide Jerusalem, but the impression that Sharon was ready
to give up Israel’s territorial assets remained.
Some leading U.S. commentators also read Sharon this way. On January
6, 2006, Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer explained the
Sharon legacy as follows: “Sharon withdrew Israel entirely from
Gaza. On the other front, the West Bank, the separation fence under
construction will give the new Palestine about 93 percent of the
West Bank. Israel’s seven percent share will encompass a sizable
majority of Israelis who live on the West Bank. The rest, everyone
understands, will have to evacuate back to Israel.”1 Hillel Halkin,
writing in Commentary in October 2005, similarly interpreted
Sharon’’’’’s post-Gaza disengagement position, noting that “Israel
is prepared to withdraw all of its settlers and armed forces from
close to 90 percent of the West Bank to the security fence it has
built.”
The Security Fence as Israel’s Eastern Border?
There are two assumptions underlying this interpretation of Sharon’s
position: 1) the West Bank security fence would constitute Israel’s
eastern border; and 2) Israel will withdraw from 90-93 percent of
the West Bank. What also follows directly from this analysis is that
Sharon would be ready to concede the vital strategic barrier of the
Jordan Valley that accounts for about 30 percent of the West Bank.
This would also mean that Sharon intended to defy Yitzhak Rabin’s
widely embraced legacy, which, according to his last Knesset speech
in October 1995, in the middle of the Oslo peace process, called for
Israel to retain the Jordan Valley “in the widest sense of the term.”
Eight Settlement Blocs
Was Sharon really ready to make such unprecedented territorial
concessions? A careful examination of Sharon’s speeches, interviews,
and off-the-record confirmations of his position regarding the
territories since he first presented his disengagement plan reveals
a clearer message about his plans for the future of the West Bank.
Most recently, Ha’aretz political affairs commentator Tom Segev
rejects the notion that Sharon had abandoned his traditional view of
the territorial requirements of Israeli security: “The withdrawal
from Gaza and the dismantling of settlements gave birth to the
thesis that Sharon had become a different man from who he was, ‘a
new Sharon.’ That was an optical illusion.”2 Segev believed that
Sharon wanted to annex broad areas near the “green line” and in the
Jordan Valley.
In an analysis broadcast on January 6, 2006, Israel Channel 2
television’s chief diplomatic correspondent, Udi Segal, presented a
sharply different interpretation of Sharon’’’’’’’’’’s plans for the
West Bank. He disclosed that Sharon told him privately that it was
his policy to hold onto eight settlement blocs in the West Bank and
not only the three blocs usually mentioned – Ariel, Maale Adumim,
and Gush Etzion – that collectively make up ten percent of the West
Bank (and which former Prime Minister Ehud Barak sought to retain at
the failed Camp David summit in July 2000). The eight blocs were
exactly what Sharon designed in the 1980s with his national security
advisor, Maj.-Gen. Abraham “Abrasha” Tamir.3 Segal also stressed
that several of these eight settlement blocs were situated east of
the current line of the West Bank security fence. He added that
Sharon did not want to evacuate the Jordan Valley, which, according
to Segal, was supposed to be held as a security zone to protect
Israel against threats from the east.
Sharon also told Ha’aretz on April 24, 2005, “The Jordan Rift Valley
is very important and it’s not just the rift valley we’re talking
about [but]...up to the Allon road and a step above the Allon road.
In my view, this area is of extreme importance.”4 He reconfirmed
this was still his view in a private meeting in New York on
September 19, 2005.5 Earlier, Sharon told the Jerusalem Post on
September 15, 2004, “I don’t see the possibility of Jews not living
in Shiloh or Beit El, or not controlling Rachel’s Tomb or living in
Hebron.”6
Sharon, A Master of Tactical “Fog”
So what is Ariel Sharon’s true legacy? The answer is somewhat
complex. It is well known in Israeli political circles that Sharon
was a master in the use of ambiguous language as a valuable
instrument for political coalition-building in Israel and to protect
his diplomatic flank in the international community. He
intentionally spread diplomatic “fog” to enable the broadest
possible political and diplomatic constituencies to embrace his
policies.
A good example of Sharon’s tactical skills could be seen in 2002
when he shocked his ruling Likud faction by referring to
Israel’s “occupation” of West Bank cities, seeming to adopt the
political nomenclature of Israel’s political left. Within 24 hours,
Sharon’s senior advisors had issued a public correction, insisting
that Sharon’s use of “occupied territory” only meant Israel’s
military control of major Palestinian cities in the West Bank.
Sharon further clarified that the West Bank was not
legally “occupied” but rather “disputed territory,” in line with the
opinion of Israel’s Attorney General and the Foreign Ministry’s
legal advisor.
Sharon clearly had a talent for playing to various sections of a
very broad audience, which he did to maintain his delicate political
balance in the epicenter of the Israeli body-politic.
The Key to Understanding Sharon: The 2004 Bush-Sharon Deal
The key to understanding Sharon’s territorial strategy may be found
in his diplomacy with the United States that preceded the Gaza
disengagement plan. Traditionally, Israel had always insisted on
securing a diplomatic quid pro quo from its Arab neighbors as a
condition of any political concessions. That had been the essence of
Israel’s understanding of “land for peace” with respect to the
bilateral peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan. However, in 2004,
Sharon understood that Israel had no partner in PA leader Yasser
Arafat and in 2005 that Arafat’s more moderate successor, Mahmoud
Abbas, was too weak to deliver a deal. Therefore, in quitting Gaza,
Sharon sought a diplomatic quid pro quo from U.S. President George
W. Bush and not from the Palestinian or Arab side. Sharon told the
Israeli daily Yediot Ahronot in mid-2005: “I prefer a deal with the
Americans to a deal with the Arabs.”7 This deal came in the form of
a Letter of Assurances to Israel of April 14, 2004, signed by
President Bush.
Upon his return from the White House, Sharon explained to the
Knesset the significance of the U.S. assurances: “There is American
acknowledgment that in any final status agreement there will be no
Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 lines....This acknowledgment appears
in two ways: understanding the facts determined by the large Israeli
settlement blocs such as making it impossible to return to the 1967
lines, and implementation of the concept of ‘defensible borders.’”8
Sharon even repeated the term “defensible borders” in English for
emphasis. Sharon’s use of the English term may have been meant to
invoke the classic concept of “defensible borders,” understood since
1967 by most Israeli and U.S. governments to mean Israel’s retention
of the Jordan Valley and other strategic areas of the territories
vital for Israel’s defense and national security.9
Sharon and Areas East of the Fence
Thus, Sharon saw the disengagement plan as a mechanism for trading
land with a dense Palestinian population, like the Gaza Strip, in
exchange for land that was critical for Israel’s future security: “I
am firmly convinced and truly believe that this disengagement will
strengthen Israel’s hold over territory which is essential to our
existence.”10 There is little question that he had the Jordan Rift
Valley in mind. He was looking not only at the low-lying Jordan
riverbed area, but also, like former Generals Yigal Allon and
Yitzhak Rabin, Sharon intended for Israel to retain the eastern
slopes of the West Bank hill ridge facing the Jordan River, where it
has built a network of bases and defensive positions against any
potential threat from the east.
Behind the Perception of Sharon’s Dovish Shift
Writing in Ha’aretz on January 6, 2006, Akiva Eldar notes that
Sharon’s close advisor, Dov Weisglass, “said to everyone who was
willing to listen that Sharon has no intention of annexing more than
10 percent of the West Bank, and he was conceding Israeli
sovereignty over the Jordan Valley.”11 Weisglass served as Sharon’s
main conduit to the Bush administration and to Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice, in particular. Weisglass has also briefed top
Washington media figures since 2001 during his frequent visits to
the State Department.
Raviv Drucker, a political commentator for Israel’s Channel 10
television, wrote in Boomerang, his recent book on the Gaza
disengagement, that Weisglass was known to have expressed his
personal support in closed circles for Yossi Beilin’s Geneva
Initiative.12 According to Drucker and co-author Ofer Shiloah,
Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, another key player in Sharon’s
inner circle, envisioned a process of unilateral disengagements in
the West Bank that would lead to Israel retaining 15 percent of the
territory.13 Were these Sharon advisors reflecting his true thinking
or were they seeking to use Sharon to advance their own foreign
policy agenda?
More recent declarations by leading members of Sharon’s new Kadima
party have added further to the confusion. For example, in the first
publicly released draft of the Kadima platform, Justice Minister
Tzipi Livni declared that Israel would retain the settlement blocs,
but the document said nothing about the Jordan Valley. “One does not
have to be a genius to see that the fence will have implications for
the future border,” Livni noted.14 After Likud Knesset member Gideon
Saar criticized the omission, Sharon issued a clarification that
Israel would retain the Jordan Valley as a “security zone.”15
It is possible that Sharon was both aware of and satisfied with
Livni’s message and his advisors declarations, in view of the fact
that Sharon has, since 2001, used mixed messages to maintain maximum
flexibility over his ultimate political and territorial intentions.
However, in private conversations with close friends, Sharon has
repeated the traditional “defensible borders” position, and has
reiterated in various interviews and public statements since the
Gaza disengagement that Israel would retain close to half of the
West Bank, as opposed to the single digit percentages that his
advisors appear to be advancing.
With Sharon’s political career at an end, Israel is forced to rely
on the statements of Sharon’s advisors and the political inheritors
of his new Kadima party. Unfortunately, Sharon’s legacy can be too
easily tailored to fit a political perspective that Sharon himself
never adopted.
Notes
1. Charles Krauthammer, “A Calamity for Israel,” Washington Post,
January 6, 2006; http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2006/01/05/AR2006010501901.html
2. Tom Segev, “Maximum Territory, Minimum Arabs,” Ha’aretz Weekend
Magazine, January 13, 2006.
3. Interview with General Tamir, January 10, 2006.
4, Aluf Benn and Yossi Verter, “Interview with Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon,” Ha’aretz, April 22, 2005.
5, Interview of meeting host by the author
6. Amotz Asa-El, Herb Keinon and Gil Hoffman, “My Algeria is Here:
Interview with Ariel Sharon,” Jerusalem Post, September 9, 2004.
7. Zev Chavets, “Mother Knows Best,” New York Times, August 15,
2005
8. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s Speech at the Knesset, April 22,
2004;
http://www.pmo.gov.il/PMOEng/Communication/PMSpeaks/speech2204.htm
9. Dan Diker, “Defensible Borders Make Good Neighbors,” Azure: Ideas
for the Jewish Nation, No. 21 (Summer 2005):52-54l;
http://www.azure.org.il.
10. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s Address to the Knesset – The Vote
on the Disengagement Plan, October 25, 2004;
http://www.pmo.gov.il/PMOEng/Communication/PMSpeaks/speach2510.htm
11. Akiva Eldar, “Is It Possible that He Left Nothing Behind,”
Ha’aretz. January 6, 2006.
12, Raviv Drucker and Ofer Shiloah, Boomerang [Hebrew] (Jerusalem:
Keter, 2005), p. 362.
13. Ibid., p. 353
14. Laurie Copans, “Sharon Ally: Border Will Follow Barrier,”
Associated Press/Guardian (UK), December 1, 2005;
http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,1280,-
5450261,00.html
15. “Sharon: Israel to Keep Jordan Valley Under Any Deal,” Reuters,
December 1, 2001.
Dan Diker is a senior policy analyst at the Jerusalem Center for
Public Affairs and heads its Defensible Borders Initiative. He also
serves as Knesset correspondent and analyst for the Israel
Broadcasting Authority’s English News.
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