I was expecting the arrest of leaders of the Islamic movement to trigger outrage and stir up demonstrations in the Arab villages inside Israel. No. Relative calm in the Arab satellite media too continued when the police demolished the Shihab el-Din mosque foundations in Nazareth. This low-intensity reaction was rather surprising, but I would argue that fear of an Israeli hard-fist policy was a key reason for it.

When the Islamic movement began its activities it was warmly welcomed by the Arab community. It offered much-needed projects that focused on improving the educational infrastructures in our villages. When it came to welfare assistance and kindergarten building the movement has no competition. Its good works gave it much popular support, which translated into municipal council seats and top leadership positions such as mayor in a number of key towns.

Its leaders attempted to walk a fine line. In the first years they did not take a stand regarding voting in Knesset elections, but allowed their supporters to decide whether to vote, and for whom.

I had many chances to meet with Sheikh Raed Salah, the leader of the Islamic movement, and with Dr. Suleiman Agbariya, mayor of Umm el- Fahm. I knew them as very gentle human beings, far from the terrorist label now attached to their names in the court case against them.

They definitely excelled in developing their town, and in winning the love of many Umm el-Fahm residents, as well as that of many other Arab villages. Both men, but especially Sheikh Salah, traveled around with a special aura. And they were super-careful not to directly incite violence.

Indeed, a number of times I witnessed their positive involvement in supporting cultural and social encounters between Arabs and Jews, and in promoting coexistence between the two nations.

SO WHAT went wrong with them? Where did they lose their connection with the rest of the Arabs in Israel, and with Israeli society?

Part of the answer is the hostile takeover by the Islamic movement of the United Arab List, greatly reducing the role of its secular elements. Then there was the movement´s call to boycott the past Knesset elections. This led to distrust between the Islamic movement and the state.

The Arab public did not like this behavior of the Islamic movement either, and punished the now Islamic-controlled United Arab List at the ballots, reducing its representation in the Knesset to two seats in comparison with five in the previous Knesset.

The violence of October 2000 represented yet a new stage of distrust between Arabs and Jews. In the eyes of many Israelis the blame lay with the Arab MKs and the Islamic movement. And this explains the flood of court actions against many Arab MKs and now the heads of the Islamic movement.

Most Arabs in Israel view this as a collective attack on all Israeli Arabs. Most do not think that the Islamic movement is treated any differently from the rest of the Arab leadership.

There is a feeling of weakness among Arabs in Israel. I would go so far as to call it a level of fear resulting from the October 2000 events. It is a fear of facing, once again, excessive use of force by the security forces who handled Arab demonstrators in a different way than they would handle Jewish demonstrators.

There is a realization that pushing the limits of active protest would be met with shooting, causing injury and death, without much hesitation on behalf of the authorities. It is the feeling of the oppressed and downtrodden.

If there were enough of a feeling of freedom and more trust in Israeli democracy, many Arabs would take to the streets in mass demonstrations. But at this stage of alienation between the two communities this would even be more counterproductive, widening the gap between the two nations living inside Israel.

All the more reason, then, to heal the wounds, engage in an honest and sincere dialogue, open the channels of communication and make effort toward true partnership in Israeli citizenship.

No doubt this will necessitate behavioral changes on the part of both the Arab and Jewish populations, especially that of the political and religious leaderships.

The writer is a director at the Jewish-Arab Center for Peace at Givat Haviva, and was a political strategist for the United Arab List. (© 1995-2003, The Jerusalem Post 07/26/03)