The once-promising democratic transition in Egypt is in peril after a power grab by the generals and the courts — holdovers from Hosni Mubarak’s repressive regime. This is not what Egyptians rallied and died for in Tahrir Square. It guarantees more turmoil. Given Egypt’s importance in the Arab world, it sets a terrible example for other societies trying to get beyond autocratic rule.

After Mr. Mubarak was deposed 16 months ago, the generals promised to transfer power to a civilian government by July 1. We were always skeptical, and they have now shown their true colors. On Wednesday, the ruling military council reimposed martial law two weeks after it expired. The following day, a panel of Mubarak-era judges ordered the dissolution of the newly elected Parliament, where the once-banned Muslim Brotherhood held a large majority. The generals quickly carried out the court order and claimed all legislative powers for themselves.

Then, on Sunday, the generals issued an interim constitution that removed the military and the defense minister from presidential oversight and named a 100-member panel to draft a new permanent charter, replacing one appointed by Parliament.

On Monday, as unofficial results suggested that Mohamed Morsi, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate, had defeated Ahmed Shafik, a former Air Force general and Mr. Mubarak’s last prime minister, the generals were trying to calm things down, insisting Egyptians should “trust the armed forces.” It will take a lot more than words to get democracy back on track.

Egyptians wanted real change. In the first round of presidential voting, two moderate candidates together got the most votes, but they didn’t make it into the final round. There are serious questions about Mr. Morsi’s and Mr. Shafik’s commitment to the economic and political reforms that Egypt desperately needs. After trying to cultivate an image of moderation, the Brotherhood allied itself with the hard-line Salafis and joined in their calls for the implementation of Islamic law. But if Mr. Morsi is indeed the winner, he must be allowed to do the job.

Egyptians made their revolution and ultimately must make it succeed. The reformers are going to have to regroup. They will be stronger if they work together.

And they will be stronger if they have less equivocal backing from the Obama administration, which was quiet for too long. It sent the wrong message in March when it resumed military aid to Egypt — $1.3 billion annually — after a five-month hiatus, even though the generals had not repealed the emergency law or dropped prosecutions against employees of four American-financed democracy groups. The administration should have delayed some of the aid to show firm support for the democratic process.

American officials were right to warn the generals on Monday that they risk losing billions of dollars if they don’t swiftly transfer power to the president, ensure elections for a new Parliament and begin writing a new constitution with help from a broad range of Egyptians. The United States needs to work with Egypt to maintain the peace treaty and a stable border with Israel. But an undemocratic Egypt in perpetual turmoil is no help to its own people or Israel or the rest of the region. (Copyright 2012 The New York Times Company 06/19/12)