What nuclear fatwa? / In Istanbul nuclear talks, snatching defeat from the jaws of victory (ISRAEL HAYOM OP-ED) Dore Gold 04/20/12)
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=1758
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When U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced the talks that
were held this week between the P5+1 (five permanent members of the
U.N. Security Council, plus Germany) and Iran, she detailed how the
idea for these negotiations was raised. She explained that she had
heard a report from Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and
his Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu about their visit with Iran´s
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. According to the Turks,
Khamenei told them that, under Islam, weapons of mass destruction are
prohibited.
Clinton suggested that the supreme leader´s stance
needed to
be "operationalized" and explained: "We will be meeting with the
Iranians to discuss how you translate what is a stated belief into a
plan of action." However, the religious argument being used by the
Iranians to prove that their nuclear program is not military in
nature is nothing new. In fact, on Aug. 10, 2005, the Iranian
government sent an official letter to the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) in Vienna stating that "Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has
issued the fatwa that the production, stockpiling, and use of nuclear
weapons are forbidden under Islam." A fatwa is a written opinion on
Islamic law, issued by a religious authority.
In the years that
followed, several Western governments, including
Britain and France, made many repeated inquiries about Khamenei´s
nuclear fatwa. At the IAEA, Pierre Goldschmidt, the body´s former
deputy director-general, wanted to see if this fatwa even existed. At
a conference of the International Institute for Strategic Studies on
Feb. 4, 2012, he said that he had actually asked for a copy of the
exact text of the nuclear fatwa in 2005 but the Iranians never
presented anything in writing.
The Iranians have also presented
the argument about a nuclear fatwa
with the American press. Even before they sent a letter about the
fatwa to the IAEA, the Iranian ambassador to the U.N., Mohammad Javad
Zarif, wrote an article on Nov. 5, 2004, in the opinion section of
the L.A. Times, in which he referred to "serious ideological
restrictions against weapons of mass destruction, including a
religious decree issued by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the leader of the
Islamic Republic of Iran, prohibiting the development and use of
nuclear weapons."
The story about the nuclear fatwa made an
impression among important
commentators in the U.S. Fareed Zakaria, one of the leading analysts
on foreign policy in the U.S. wrote a cover story for Newsweek, on
May 22, 2009, entitled, "Everything You Know About Iran is Wrong." In
it, he wrote that the Iranians may not even want a bomb. Zakaria
based his position on the story that "the country´s Supreme Leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, issued a fatwa in 2004 describing the use of
nuclear weapons as immoral."
To this day, the story of the
nuclear fatwa is repeated in the mass
media. Just last week, in The Washington Post, Zakaria reminded his
readers "the Islamic Republic, logically, religiously and
theoretically, considers the possession of nuclear weapons a grave
sin." And during a three-part CNN series on Iran that was televised
during the week of April 14, 2012, Christiane Amanpour interviewed
Mohammad Larijani, a former negotiator, and currently an adviser to
Khamenei. Amanpour again heard from Larijani the argument about the
nuclear fatwa, which he used during his interview to assuage Western
fears. Unfortunately, she did not challenge him on this
point.
Yet there are others who have challenged the nuclear
fatwa. Mehdi
Khalaji is an expert on Shiite Islam who studied in Iran´s religious
seminaries in Qom, Iran. Currently, he is a research fellow at the
Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Khalaji agrees that there
is no written document that could be described as a fatwa on the
subject of nuclear weapons. Khalaji also explains that even if a
nuclear fatwa existed, changing a fatwa is common practice among
Shiite legal authorities. Then he provides an explanation of how such
a change might come about: "... should the needs of the Islamic
Republic or the Muslim umma [nation] change, requiring the use of
nuclear weapons, the supreme leader could just as well alter his
position in response."
Importantly, Khalaji reminds his readers
about the use of deception,
or taqiyya, that was religiously permitted in Shiite Islam, when the
Shiites had to find a way to survive as a minority in Sunni-dominated
societies. In his major work on Islamic government, Ayatollah
Khomeini described "taqiyya" as an act whose purpose was
the "preservation of Islam and the Shii school." Khalaji points out
that after coming to power, Khomeini actually stated in 1981, in an
address to the Revolutionary Guard: "Islamic law exists to serve the
interests of the Muslim community and of Islam ... to save Muslim
lives and for the sake of Islam’s survival it is obligatory to
lie ..."
In short, all the talk about a nuclear fatwa might
just be a case
of "taqiyya," or diplomatic deception, especially since the Iranians
have refused to provide the West with a document of the supposed
fatwa over all these years.
Reports about the Iranian nuclear
fatwa actually date it back to
2003. Yet the IAEA disclosed in November 2011 that
activities "relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
device" took place in 2003 and some of these activities
were "ongoing." It also had information that Iran was studying in
2008 and 2009 how to model a nuclear device using weapons grade
uranium. Thus whether the famous nuclear fatwa exists or not, what is
clear is that Iran persisted in developing an atomic bomb despite the
supposed the religious declarations that have been ascribed to
Supreme Leader Khamenei.
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