Does Iran’s Latest Military Exercise Signal a New Defense Doctrine? (JCPA) (Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) Lt. Col. (ret.) Michael Segall 07/06/11)
Source: http://jerusalemcenter.wordpress.com/2011/07/06/does-iran%E2%80%99s-latest-military-exercise-signal-a-new-defense-doctrine/
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Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is in the midst of a large-
scale missile exercise called “Great Prophet 6.” During the exercise,
underground missile silos were disclosed, large numbers of surface-to-
surface missiles (SSMs) of different ranges were fired, and a new
radar system was revealed.
The main spokesman during the exercise was the IRGC’s aerospace
commander, Amir Ali Hagizadeh. In a wide-ranging interview aimed at
Arab audiences on the Arabic-language TV channel Al-Alam, he
discussed at length the IRGC exercise and its objectives. One
received the impression that Iran was well-prepared from a public
relations standpoint to present the exercise to regional and
international media and decision-makers (a short video was shown on
Iranian TV and even uploaded to YouTube).1
The extensive interview with Hagizadeh, combined with statements by
other senior IRGC figures, suggests that – along with Iran’s ongoing,
intensive development of its nuclear program, particularly in the
areas of uranium enrichment and possible launch platforms for nuclear
weapons – Iran also is devoting much thought to aspects of its
deterrence doctrine against those it regards as its main threats in
the region, namely, Israel and the United States.
In that doctrine, a capability to fire ballistic missiles stealthily
and surprisingly from hidden launch sites, and to hit American and
Israeli targets in the region, holds a central place – while the
doctrine still leaves wide room for ambiguity about Iran’s “real”
capabilities.
Hagizadeh made clear that Iran aims to integrate its SMM force, which
is subordinate to the IRGC, to a considerable extent into its
asymmetric-response doctrine, which is a central component of its
defense doctrine and national security strategy. At the end of the
video shown on Iranian TV at the beginning of the exercise, he
emphasized that Iran is not trying to engage in a technological race
with the world, but is organizing its defense systems to conduct
asymmetric warfare and, implicitly, to cope via asymmetric means with
technologically superior enemies. (In the navy as well, the IRGC
seeks to apply this doctrine vis-à-vis American superiority,
particularly with respect to “swarms” of small boats that Iran
intends to use in attacks against the U.S. fleet.)
Hagizadeh also said that Iran had begun building silos in concealed
sites throughout its territory fifteen years ago. He defined the
missile test-fire during the exercise as “successful,” and said that
last year the United States monitored Iranian missile fire in the
Indian Ocean and is well aware of these missiles’ accuracy. He added
that the United States had made things easier for Iran by building
forty to fifty bases at a distance of 200-300 kilometers from Iran,
so that Iran does not need to build missiles with a range longer than
2,000 kilometers (which covers Israel and part of Europe). A senior
Iranian naval commander noted that during the exercise, Iran “tested
14 ballistic missiles in safe places and they cannot be identified by
the enemy under any circumstance.”2
The IRGC aerospace commander referred directly to regions where Iran
is already implementing its asymmetric operational strategy regarding
the use of SSMs of different ranges. He threatened that: “If the
Zionist regime attacks Iran, it will successfully hit the heart of
Tel Aviv before the attack planes leave Iranian territory.” He went
on to imply that Iran has good intelligence-gathering capabilities
for Israel because, using radar, it can detect the departure of
Israeli planes at the moment of take-off from the “Palestinian
territories” (meaning Israel).3
In a rare statement, the senior IRGC figure referred to a major
component of Iran’s deterrence – its long arm, Hizbullah. Responding
to a question about how many missiles Iran has and their deployment
areas, Hagizadeh noted that since this information is classified he
will answer indirectly. He then said that during the Second Lebanon
War (the “Thirty-Three Day War”), Hizbullah kept firing missiles
throughout the conflict and, unlike in usual circumstances where the
ability to fire decreases with time, Hizbullah in fact increased its
rate of fire and even the range of the missiles, while Israel failed
to destroy the organization’s weapons caches. It is evident that
Hagizadeh views Lebanon as a forward missile base for Iran.
He also emphasized that, before the war, Iran devoted much effort and
planning to ensure that, once hostilities broke out, it would be able
to supply Hizbullah with all the missiles it needed without relying
on other countries.
Iran declares publicly that it perceives Lebanon as a “first line of
defense” in its national security strategy – both as a deterrent
factor and as a response factor – and regards continuous rocket fire
as an asymmetric response to Israel’s technological superiority,
particularly when it comes to its air force.
At the same time, while continuing to equip Hizbullah with SSMs of
different ranges, Iran continues to equip itself with long-range,
locally-produced missiles with which it can strike Israeli territory
from within its own territory, and is adopting a policy of ambiguity
regarding the progress of its nuclear and missile program. Tehran is
leaving the work of assaying its total military capabilities to
Israel and the West, thus gradually shaping its deterrence doctrine
vis-à-vis a possible future attack against its nuclear facilities and
its allies in the region – Syria and Hizbullah.
Notes
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oKPjXp7u6VI&feature=player_embedded.
2. http://irna.ir/NewsShow.aspx?NID=30459821.
3. http://www.iribnews.ir/Default.aspx?
Page=MainContent&news_num=291683; http://alalam.ir/iran39s-missiles-
stdk-tel-aviv-before-the-return-of-the-attacking-aircraft1.
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