Missile Proliferation in the Middle East (JCPA-JERUSALEM CENTER FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS) Vol. 2, No. 4 Moshe Arens JERUSALEM ISSUE BRIEF 08/13/02)
Source: http://www.jcpa.org/brief/brief2-4.htm
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* The present Iraqi capability is relatively limited. According to
recent U.S. estimates, Iraq may have a dozen or two Scud missiles
that were not caught by UN inspectors. They are working to attain
nuclear capability but do not have it at the moment. However, both
the Iraqis and the Iranians have chemical warheads, and both probably
have biological weapons as well.
* During the Gulf War, Saddam thought that provoking Israel was a way
to help break up the U.S.-led coalition he faced that included Arab
countries, something that is not a factor this time. Indeed, Israel´s
situation today is much different and considerably better. With the
Arrow system in place, Saddam must take into account that there is a
high probability that any missile sent against Israel will be
intercepted. If the missiles were to carry non-conventional warheads,
not only would the missile be intercepted, but it would be revealed
to the entire world that he had tried to send a missile with a non-
conventional warhead against Israel.
* It has been suggested that in the age of missile systems, borders
are not really important anymore because missiles fly over borders.
This might be the case if missiles were the only way of conducting
war, but, as a matter of fact, no war has yet been won by missiles
alone. Wars are still won by forces on the ground. So unless Israel
can protect itself against enemy ground forces, even the most
advanced missile interceptor system will not keep enemy tanks out of
the streets of Tel Aviv or Jerusalem. Defensible borders still matter.
* In the immediate future, the threat that Israel most likely will
have to contend with, even if it is not the greatest threat in terms
of destructive capability, is that of Syria with its 150 missiles,
some of which may be armed with chemical or biological warheads. This
kind of threat on Israel´s doorstep obviously arouses very deep
concern.
The Proliferation of Old Technology
Ballistic missiles have the potential to cause very serious
destruction, loss of life, and loss of property. But as a weapons
system, missiles are a rather curious phenomenon, especially those
proliferating throughout the Middle East. The ballistic missiles
found in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Libya, and Egypt are really of ancient
vintage. They are minor improvements on the German V2 missile that
was launched against London in the last months of World War II, that
Hitler in his craziness thought would be the secret weapon that would
turn the tide of the war. These are liquid fuel rockets with
primitive guidance systems. More modern missiles are solid fueled,
with reasonably accurate inertia guidance systems. The missiles in
the region have come via North Korea, which received the technology
from the Soviet Union, which originally obtained the technology from
German scientists immediately after the war.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union had concluded that these
missiles were not useful implements of war. They were not
sufficiently accurate to be efficient delivery vehicles unless they
carried a nuclear warhead. In that case, they could be effective if
delivered against cities or large target areas. The missiles that
concerned the world during the years of the Cold War were more modern
ballistic missiles carrying nuclear warheads, capable of being
launched from underground silos and from submarines. Even though they
did not have pinpoint accuracy, they were considered to be effective
because of the warhead they carried.
On the tactical level, ballistic missiles were not considered to be
effective weapons. At one time, the United States did employ the
Lance short-range, tactical nuclear missile, but it turned out not to
be an effective weapon and was never really popular with the U.S.
armed forces. Eventually it was discarded.
Suddenly, the relatively inexpensive, old-style missiles have
appeared throughout the Middle East, thanks to North Korea, and they
serve the objectives of countries that are in reasonable proximity to
each other -- that is, the ranges required are relatively short
compared to intercontinental ranges. At these smaller ranges, the
accuracy of these missiles was sufficient to threaten cities even
when the warhead was conventional. We saw this during the Iraq-Iran
War when Teheran, and afterwards Baghdad, were hit by a large number
of these missiles, and also during the Gulf War when Israel and Saudi
Arabian targets were hit by Scud missiles.
The missiles in the region have been improved to some extent in the
sense that their range has been extended to 500 kilometers, yet the
engineering is not very good and the structural design is poor. Some
of the missiles directed against Israel during the Gulf War broke up
in flight because they were not structurally sound. This made their
interception much more difficult because it was hard to identify the
warhead among all the pieces.
Missiles in the Gulf War
Thirty-nine missiles landed in Israel during the Gulf War over five
and a half weeks. Probably more were launched. Some may have aborted
on take-off. Six hit populated areas, a little more than 15 percent
of the total number that landed in the country. The accuracy of the
missiles was such that the Iraqis did not know whether the missile
was going to land in Ramat Gan or in Tel Aviv or fall into the sea.
Three landed in Ramat Gan, two landed in Tel Aviv, and one landed in
Savyon. The rest fell into the sea or in unpopulated areas. Loss of
life was minimal. I believe one Israeli was killed as a result of one
of the missiles in Ramat Gan, and a number of people were wounded.
There were others who suffered heart attacks as a result of the shock
of the missiles landing.
However, the property damage when the missiles landed in populated
areas was quite significant. Thus, despite their inaccuracy, the
missiles proved to be reasonably effective. When I went to see
President Bush, Sr., during the Gulf War to discuss the Israeli
response, he told me that he thought their impact was really not very
serious and therefore it did not require an Israeli response. I
replied that some of the impact sites in Israel reminded me of
pictures of the London blitz.
The difference between a very significant loss of life and a minimal
loss of life was just a matter of luck. During the last week of the
war, a Scud missile launched against Saudi Arabia fell onto a U.S.
army barracks, killing 29 soldiers. Had the same thing happened in
Israel and 20 or 30 people had been killed as a result of a missile,
there would have been an immediate Israeli response. No Israeli
government would have been able to withstand the pressure to respond.
During the Gulf War, while Israel was considering and planning a
response to the Scud attacks, the United States thought the U.S. Air
Force could neutralize Iraq´s missile capabilities within 24-48
hours. The U.S. was very concerned that Israel might take preemptive
action against these missiles or that there might be an immediate
Israeli response if Israel were to be hit. It turned out that the
Americans seriously underestimated the problem of hitting the mobile
Scud launchers that moved out of hiding places, were capable of
launching in a matter of minutes, and then moved back into hiding.
During five and a half weeks of very intensive efforts by the U.S.
Air Force to locate and target these launchers, not a single Scud
launcher was hit.
Israeli planning was based on the assumption that this was a very
difficult task for an air force, and that it would take ground forces
to have a significant impact on Iraq´s launch capability. Therefore,
Israel planned to land ground forces in western Iraq and was training
for just such an operation. We had even appointed a general to
command the operation.
Israel was on the verge of responding when the war suddenly ended.
President Bush announced a ceasefire without any prior coordination
with Israel, so before we had a chance to do what we intended to do,
the war was over.
Current Missile Threats to Israel
The Syrians have over 150 ballistic missiles. They bought not only
missiles but also missile production facilities from North Korea, and
today are capable of producing these missiles themselves. The fact
that the Syrians have such a quantity in their armory, and the fact
that in Lebanon today shorter range rockets with sufficient range to
hit the cities in northern Israel are deployed with Syrian and
Iranian help, all have a strategic effect on the response of the
Israeli government to various provocations on the northern border.
The Iranians are extending the missile capability that they
originally received from North Korea to create long-range missiles
like the Shahab. All in all, this provides a relatively cheap system
that can have a substantial effect on the strategic situation,
despite the fact that people who deal in design and evaluation of
weapons systems would say that this is not really a very effective
system.
Adding a non-conventional warhead changes the situation completely.
Instead of something that can be classified as an irritant, these
missiles could become an existential threat to the State of Israel
and its citizens. Just about all of the countries in the area that
have acquired or are producing these vintage ballistic missiles are
in the process of trying to acquire non-conventional warheads. In
some cases, they may already have done so.
According to intelligence estimates, the country that is closest to
the possession of nuclear capability today is Iran. It used to be
Iraq, which came very close to having a nuclear capability. It is
easy to imagine the strategic situation that the United States and
its allies would have faced during the Gulf War if Saddam Hussein had
nuclear capability on his Scud missiles. By now it is generally
accepted that the only reason Saddam did not have that capability is
because the Israeli Air Force knocked out his nuclear reactor back in
1981.
The assumption today is that, as a result of the Gulf War and a few
years of UN inspections in Iraq, Saddam Hussein´s efforts to obtain
nuclear capability have been set back considerably, although there is
no doubt he is still trying. Indeed, not long ago he appeared on
television with his nuclear scientists, urging them to hurry up and
finish the job.
In Iran, the attempt to develop nuclear weapons is being made without
there having been any UN inspectors, and without anything substantial
having been done to delay the effort. To the contrary, Iran has
received considerable technological assistance from other countries,
especially from Russia. Thus, Iran is in the process of developing
intermediate range (1,300-2,000 kilometer) ballistic missiles capable
of hitting Israel and, eventually, even Europe.
It does not take a great stretch of the imagination to visualize what
the world will be like if and when the Iranians develop a long-
distance nuclear delivery capability. Iranian leaders have repeatedly
declared that there will be no peace in the Middle East until Israel
is destroyed. The Iranians are also funding, training, and
encouraging the Hizballah in Lebanon to carry out hostile activities
against Israel. The many medium- and short-range rockets deployed in
Lebanon have come from Teheran, and Iranian Revolutionary Guard units
are deployed throughout Lebanon.
The present Iraqi capability is relatively limited. According to
recent U.S. estimates, Iraq may have a dozen or two Scud missiles
that were not caught by UN inspectors. They are working to attain
nuclear capability but do not have it at the moment. However, both
the Iraqis and the Iranians have chemical warheads, and both probably
have biological weapons as well.
In the immediate future, the threat that Israel most likely will have
to contend with, even if it is not the greatest threat in terms of
destructive capability, is that of Syria with its 150 missiles, some
of which may be armed with chemical or biological warheads. This kind
of threat on Israel´s doorstep obviously arouses very deep concern.
The Egyptians in recent years have decided that they would also like
to acquire a ballistic missile capability. Their armed forces is
based almost totally on U.S. equipment obtained through U.S. foreign
aid, totaling some $1.3 billion a year. The Egyptians are now
diverting some of their scarce hard currency resources in order to
purchase ballistic missiles from North Korea. The Libyans, who have
plenty of hard currency, are doing the same.
So in the Middle East today, there are probably more ballistic
missiles per square kilometer than exist anywhere else in the world.
Any of these countries -- the Ayatollahs in Iran, Saddam Hussein in
Iraq, Muammar Qaddafi in Libya, or even Bashar Assad in Syria -- when
in possession of this kind of capability are a danger to the world.
They are certainly a danger to Israel, because we are located right
in the center of the Middle East and a lot of the rhetoric of these
countries´ leaders is directed against Israel.
Israel´s Response -- The Arrow Interceptor
In recent years, Israel has developed the Arrow ballistic missile
interceptor system, a system that was not available when I was
defense minister during the Gulf War, and one with a high probability
and capability of intercepting ballistic missiles like the Scuds.
For many years, the defense community assumed that intercepting a
missile was a mission impossible. It was like trying to hit a bullet
with a bullet, it was just moving too fast, and it was too small a
target, we were told. All we could do was take defensive measures,
move people into shelters, or use our deterrent capability to warn
the enemy against directing these missiles against us.
Then along came President Reagan, who said we need a system that will
be able to intercept missiles before they come raining down on us.
Originally known as the "Star Wars" project, it was later called the
Strategic Defense Initiative, and the Israeli development of the
Arrow was initiated under this framework.
Israel presented its plans for such a system to the United States,
they were considered promising from an engineering standpoint, and
Israel received some American financial assistance for development,
though more than two-thirds of the financial costs of the Arrow
missile system were carried by Israel. A few years later, Israel was
the only country in the world that had a ballistic missile
interceptor system. In a succession of successful tests, the Arrow
has intercepted ballistic missiles or targets simulating ballistic
missiles. Israel today has operationally deployed the Arrow system to
provide an umbrella of coverage over the entire country against
ballistic missiles that might be launched, for example, from Iraq.
This comes to be of paramount significance if and when the United
States takes action against Saddam Hussein, who may again launch
missiles against Israel. Yet, some of the incentives that Saddam had
the first time do not exist at the moment. During the Gulf War,
Saddam thought that provoking Israel was a way to help break up the
U.S.-led coalition he faced that included Arab countries, something
that is not a factor this time.
Indeed, Israel´s situation today is much different and considerably
better. With the Arrow system in place, Saddam must take into account
that there is a high probability that any missile sent against Israel
will be intercepted. If the missiles were to carry non-conventional
warheads, not only would the missile be intercepted, but it would be
revealed to the entire world that he had tried to send a missile with
a non-conventional warhead against Israel. That does not mean that he
will not try, but this may be a factor in Baghdad´s calculus.
How was the interception capability achieved from an engineering
point of view? First of all, in order to intercept an incoming
missile, a very high energy launch is required that will allow the
intercepting vehicle to attain very high speeds. In recent years
there has been considerable improvement in the ability to achieve
such a high acceleration launch. Furthermore, there has been
significant improvement in the ability of radar to achieve early
detection of the incoming ballistic missile. At the same time, there
has also been very substantial improvement in computer technology, in
the ability to process data as it is received and, therefore, to
direct the intercepting missile to the appropriate location.
Another advantage today that did not exist when I was defense
minister is the Israeli reconnaissance satellite. The advanced Ofek
satellite provides us with photo reconnaissance for all of the Middle
East, something that Israel seriously lacked during the Gulf War.
When we planned an Israeli response against the Iraqi Scud
launchings, we were short of intelligence information on western
Iraq, and the United States at the time was not very forthcoming in
providing us with intelligence from their satellites. Today, if we
are concerned about the areas from which missiles might be launched
against Israel, we have our own intelligence capability.
All in all, Israel is in pretty good shape today as it faces many
types of very unpleasant dangers in the region. Twelve years of
intelligent investment of Israeli resources and the application of
its scientific and engineering capabilities have moved us very
substantially forward in being able to face the kind of threats that
exist in the Middle East today.
It has been suggested that in the age of missile systems, borders are
not really important anymore because missiles fly over borders. This
might be the case if missiles were the only way of conducting war,
but, as a matter of fact, no war has yet been won by missiles alone.
Wars are still won by forces on the ground. So unless Israel can
protect itself against enemy ground forces, even the most advanced
missile interceptor system will not keep enemy tanks out of the
streets of Tel Aviv or Jerusalem. Defensible borders still matter.
(www.jcpa.org. © Copyright 08/13/02)
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